Диплом: Конверсионное словообразование прилагательных цветообозначения. Методика преподавния в нач.классах

Contents.

I. Introduction_______________________________2.

II. Theoretical part___________________________4.

III. Practical part_____________________________32.

IV. Conclusion______________________________36.

V. Bibliography_____________________________37.

VI. Appendix I______________________________39.

VII. Appendix II_____________________________40.

VIII. Appendix III____________________________43.

IX. Appendix IV_____________________________46.

X. Appendix V ______________________________48.

XI. Appendix VI_____________________________51.

XII. Appendix VII____________________________53.

I. Introduction.

This diploma paper is the logic continuation of course paper. The choice of a

theme of this paper is caused by the small studying of this question by way

of teaching it in primary school. The word-formation, as one of branches of

lexicon, is a difficult and volumetric question, therefore requires the

careful studying. The basic theme of this paper is the question on

conversion, as the most productive way of a word-formation however the other

kinds of formation of new words: prefix and suffix word-formation, also are

mentioned. The special place is allocated for productivity of adjectives of a

colourmarking. Having the rather large ability to formation the new words it

is interesting the fact, that formed from them by any of ways of a word, it

is more often nouns, formed on conversion, have a tendency to enter into the

structure of various phraseologies, phraseological word combinations, that

speaks about connection between phraseological and word-formation systems of

the language.

The paper consists of two basic parts: theoretical and practical ones, which

examine one problems, but from the different corners of sight. The

theoretical part includes some subitems. At first it is necessary to tell

some words about the term "word", which is the main one in the paper and

should be definite. The term "word" is taken to denote the smallest

independent unit of speech susceptible of being used in isolation. Also it is

impossible to disregard the definition of the field of word-formation. The

mention about affix (suffix and prefix) word-formation in the paper is not

casual, the conversion is more productive way, in comparison with them,

because the formation of new words on conversion is possible practically from

any part of speech, including prepositions and proper names. Speaking about

the abilities to a word-formation of colourmarking adjectives, it is

necessary to note three ways, on which this process passes: The suffix,

conversion word-formation and the word addition way , though the more often

English language prefers a word combination. Also the formation of derivative

verbs on conversion is typical for the English language.

Having analysed some courses of studying the foreign language it was

interesting to find out, that the conversion is not mentioned at all there,

though, being one of the most productive ways of a word-formation, could be

a good way of updating the child’s active and passive vocabulary. Taking into

account the opportunities, which are given by the knowledge of this way of

formation the new words, it is easy to estimate a role of studying this

material at school, it is natural that the beginning of presenting some

items of this phenomenon to children is necessary to start from that

moment, as soon as the children would have the sufficient lexical base for

this purpose. It is possible to consider the third year of training as the

most successful moment for the beginning of presenting the essence of this

phenomenon to children. For confirmation of this hypothesis three experiments

were spent: ascertaining, forming and control ones, with group of children

studying the English the third year. By the purpose of all these experiments

was to establish: have the children a representation about this phenomenon,

can they acquire the offered information, is it possible to develop the skill

of using such words in their speech .

It would be desirable to note the works of some authors, which were used in

this work, such as: “English word-formation” by L. Bauer, “The categories and

types of present day word-formation” by H. Marchand, “The word-formation

abilities of colourmarking adjectives in modern German languages” by M.

Jirmunskaya.

II. Theoretical part.

The term «word».

The term «word» should be defined. It is taken to denote the smallest

independent, indivisible unit of speech, susceptible of being used in

isolation. A word may have a heavy stress, thought, some never take one. To

preceding the ‘infinitive’ never has a heavy stress, but it is a word as it can

be separated from the verbal stem by an adverb (as in to carefully study

). A composite may have two heavy stresses so long as it is not analyzable as a

syntactic group. There is a marked tendency in English to give prefixes full

stress thought they do not exist as independent words. Indivisible composites

such as arch-enemy, crypto-communist, unlucky, therefore are

morphological units whereas combination, like stone, wall, gold watch,

are syntactic groups. As for the criterion of indivisibility, it is said that

the article a is a word as IT can interpolate words between article and

substantive (a nice man, a very nice man, an exceptionally gifted man). But

a as in aglitter can’t be separated from the verb stem with which

it forms a group and therefore is not a free morpheme (word). With regard to

the criterion of usability, it must not be assumed that all words can be used

by themselves, in isolation. It is in the very nature of determiners like the

article the to be used in conjunction with the word they determiners.

Definition of the field of word-formation.

Word-formation is that branch of the science of language which studies the

patterns on which a language forms new lexical units, i.e. words.

Word-formation can only treat of composites which are analyzable both formally

and semantically. The study of the simple words, therefore, insofar as it is an

, unmotivated sign, has no please in it. It is a lexical matter. A composite

rests on a relationship between morphemes though which it is motivated. By this

token, do-er, un-do, rain-bow are relevant to word-formation, but

do, rain, bow are not.

Conversion.

Conversion is the change in form class of

a form without any corresponding change of form. Thus the change whereby the

form napalm, which has been used exclusively as a noun, came to be as a

verb (They decided to napalm the village) is a case of conversion.

The exact status of conversion within word-formation is unclear. For some

scholars (Marchand/10/) conversion is a brunch of derivation, for others

(Koziol /Marchand/10/) it is a separate type of word-formation, on a level with

derivation and compounding. Whether this distinction has any real effect on the

structure of a theory of word-formation is not clear.

Conversion is

frequently called zero-derivation, a term which many scholars prefer

(Adams, Jespersen, Marchand/1,5,8/). Most writers who use both terms appear to

use them as synonyms (although Marchand/10/ is an exception). However, as

Lyons/9/ points out, the theoretical implications of the two are rather

different. Cruber/2/, for example, argues that to treat ordinary derivation and

zero-derivation differently in the grammar is to lose a generalization, since

both involve changes of form class, but claims that they can only by treated

the same way, if a zero-affix is permitted. Otherwise, he says, derivation can

be treated as a rule-governed process, but zero-derivation can’t be; that is,

the relation between some napalm and to napalm and other

similar pairs must be, considered to be totally coincidental Lyon’s/9/ own view

(as noted by Matthews) is that in cases of so-called zero-derivation, an

identity operation can be said to have been carried out between the base and

the new lexeme. This means that there is a process linking the two lexeme,

napalm, lent that this process defines the form of the derived lexeme as

being identical to the form of the base. This is also more or less the line

taken by Matthews himself, when he speaks of a ‘formation involving zero

operation’. The theoretical dubiousness of speaking of zero affixes in language

leads Bauer/2/ to prefer the theoretical position enshrined in the term

‘conversion’, especially when this can be given a dynamic interpretation, and

that term will be used exclusively from now (on in this book). It should,

however, be noted that this is an area of dispute in the literature. For a

comprehensive review of the literature on conversion and a discussion of the

implication of talking in terms of zero-derivation, the reader is referred to

Pannanen.

Productivity.

Conversion is an extremely productive way of producing new words in English.

There do not appear to be morphological restrictions on the forms can undergo

conversion, so that compounds, derivatives, acronyms, blends, clipped forms and

simplex words are all acceptable inputs to the conversion process. Similarly,

all ford classes seem to be able to undergo conversion, and conversion seems to

de able to produce words of almost any form class, particularly the open form

classes (noun, verb, adjective, adverb ). This seems to suggest that rather

than English having specific rules of conversion (rules allowing the conversion

of common nouns into verbs or adjectives into nouns, for example) conversion is

a totally free process and any lexeme can undergo conversion into any of the

open form classes as the need arises. Certainly, if there are constraints on

conversion they have yet to de demonstrated. The only partial restriction that

it is award of is that discussed by Marchand. Marchand/10/ points out that

derived nouns rarely undergo conversion, and particularly not to verb. This is

usually because of blocking. To take one of Marchand’s/10/ examples, a derived

noun like arrival will not de converted into a verb if that verb means

exactly the same as arrive, from which arrival is derived. In

cases where blocking is not a relevant concern, even derived nouns can undergo

conversion, as is shown by the series a sign > to sign > a signal

> to signal and to commit > commission > to commission.

The commonness of conversion can possibly be seen as breaking down the

distinction between form classes in English and leading to a system where

there are closed sets such as pronouns and a single open set of lexical that

can be used as required. Such a move could be seem as part of the trend away

from synthetic structure and towards analytic structure which has been fairly

typical of the history of English over the last millennium. This suggestion

is, of course highly speculative.

Conversion as a syntactic process.

Conversion is the use of a form which is regarded as being basically of one

form class as though it were a member of a different form class, without any

concomitant change of form. There are, however, a number of instances where

changes of this type occur with such ease and so regularly that many scholars

prefer to see that as matters of syntactic usage rather that as word-

formation.

The most obvious cases are those where the change of form class is not a major

one (such as from noun to verb or adjective to noun ) but a change from one

type of noun to another or one type of verb to another. The clearest example of

this type is the use of countable nouns as uncountable and vise versa. In

some tea, tea is used as an uncountable noun, while in two teas it

is used as a countable noun; goat is normally a countable noun, but if

a goat is being eaten it is quite in order to ask for a slice of goat,

where goat is used as an uncountable noun. In general, given a suitable

context, it is possible to use almost any noun on either way: for example, when

the Goons took part in a mountain-eating competition, it would have been

perfectly possible to ask whether anyone wanted some more mountain,

using mountain as an uncountable noun. Similarly, proper nouns can be

easily used as common nouns as in Which John do you mean? or The

Athens in Ohio is not as interesting as the Athens in Greece. Intransitive

verbs are frequently used as transitive verbs, as in He is running a horse

in the Derby or The army flew the civilians to safety. Finally,

non-gradable adjectives are frequently used as gradable adjectives, as in

She looks very French or New Zealander are said to be more English. Such

processes are very near the inflectional end of word-formation.

Another case where it is not completely clear whether or not conversion is

involved is with conversion to adjectives. This depends crucially on how an

adjective is defined. For some scholars it appears to be the case that the use

of an element in attributive position is sufficient for that element to be

classified as an adjective. By this criterion bow window, head teacher,

model airplane and stone well all contain adjectives formed by

conversion formed by conversion. However, it has already been argued that such

collocations should be seen as compounds, which makes it unnecessary to view

such elements as instances of conversion. Quirk suggest that when such elements

can occur not only in attributive position but also in predicative position, it

is possible to speak of conversion to an adjective. On the basis of:

*This window is bow

This teacher is head

*This airplane is model

This wall is stone

they would thus conclude that, in the examples above, head and stone

but not bow and model have become adjectives by conversion. But

this introduces a distinction between two kinds of modifier which is not

relevant elsewhere in the grammar and which masks a great deal of similarity.

It is therefore not clear that this suggestion is of any great value. This is

not meant to imply that conversion to an adjective is impossible, merely that

it is least controversial that conversion is involved where the form is not

used attributively. Where the form is used attributively, criteria for

concluding that conversion has taken place must be spelled out with great care.

Apart from those mentioned, possible criteria are the ability to be used in the

comparative and superlative, the ability to be modified by and very,

the ability to be used as a base for adverbial -ly or nominal -ness

suffixation. It must be pointed out that very few adjectives fit all these

criteria.

Marginal cases of conversion.

There are cases of change in form class from a verb to a noun and from a verb to

an adjective which do not involve any affixation, but which are not clearly

instances of conversion. These are cases there is a shift of stress, frequently

with a concomitant change in segmental form, but no change in the

morphophonemic form (or in the orthography). Established examples of verb

>noun shift kind are abstract, discount, import, refill, transfer

Gimson/2/, and of verb > adjective shift: abstract, frequent, moderate,

perfect. There is a certain amount of evidence that, at least in some

varieties of English, these distinction are no longer consistently drawn, and

such examples are becoming clear cases of conversion. Nevertheless, the pattern

is still productive, particularly so in the nominalization of phrasal verbs:

established examples are show off, walr-over and recent examples are

hang-up, put-down.

There is also a kind of partial conversion where a noun ending in a voiceless

fricative (but excluding / /) is turned into a verb by replacing the final

consonant with the corresponding voiced fricative. The process is no longer

productive. Examples are belief / believe, sheath / sheathe, advice /

advise.

Clear cases of conversion.

The least clear cases of conversion have been considered first, but there are

innumerable perfectly clear cases. For many types a variety of

subclassifications is possible. Thus instances of noun > verb conversion can

be classified according to whether the noun shows location (to garage the

car ) or instrument ( to hammer a nail ) and so on, or according to

formal criteria of whether the base is simplex or complex and so on. No attempt

is made below to distinguish of these kinds.

The major kinds of conversion are noun > verb, verb >noun, adjective >

noun and adjective >verb. Established examples of noun > verb conversion

are to badger, to bottle, to bridge, to commission, to mail, to mushroom,

to skin, to vacation. Recent examples are to chopper, to data-dank, to

leaflet, to network, and to trash. Established examples of verb

>noun conversion are a call, a command, a dump, a guess, a spy

and recent examples are a commute, a goggle, and an interrupt.

Established examples of adjective > verb conversion are to better, to

dirty, to empty, to faint, to open, to right and a recent example is to

total (a car). Established examples of adjective >noun conversion are

relatively rare and are frequently restricted in their syntactic occurrence.

For example, the poor cannot be made plural or have any other

determiner. Less restricted examples are a daily, a regular, a roast.

This type seems to have become much more productive recently, and recent

examples includes a creative, a crazy, a double, a dyslexic, a gay, a

given, a nasty.

Prepositions, conjunctions, adverbs, interjections and even affixes can all act

as bases of conversion, as in shown by to up (prices), but me no

buts, the hereafter, to heave-no (a recent example) and a maxi

(this might be a case of clipping). Moreover, most of these form classes can

undergo conversion into more than one form class, so that a preposition

down, for example, can become a verb (he downed his beer), a noun (

he has a down on me) and possibly an adjective (the down train).

Extrocentric phrase compounds might also be classified here as instances of

conversion of whole phrase. Established examples where the phrase acts as a

noun are an also-ran, a forget-me-not, a has-been and a recent examples

as a don’t-know. An established example where the phrase acts as an

adjective is under-the-weather.

Derivation by a zero-morpheme.

The term ‘zero-derivation’.

Derivation without a derivative morpheme occurs in English as well as mother

languages. Its characteristic is that a certain stem is used for the formation

of a categorically different word without a derivative element being added. In

synchronic terminology, they are syntagmas whose determinatum is not expressed

in the significant (form). The significate (content) is represented in the

syntagma but zero marked (i.e. it has no counterpart in form): loan vb

‘(make up) loan’, look substantive is ‘(act, instance of) look(ing)’.

As the nominal and verbal forms which occur most frequently have no ending end

(a factor which seems to have played a part in the coining of the term

‘conversion’ by Kruisinga/8/) are those in which nouns and verbs are recorded

in dictionaries, such words as loan, look may come to be considered as

‘converted’ nouns or verbs. It has become customary to speak of the

‘conversion’ of substantive adjectives and verbs. The term ‘conversion’ has

been used for various things. Kruisinga/8/ himself speaks of conversion

whenever a word takes on function which is not its basic one, as the use of an

adjective as a primary (the poor, the British, shreds of pink, at his best

). He includes quotation words (his «I don’t knows») and the type

stone wall (i.e. substantives used as preadjuncts). One is reminded of

Bally’s ‘transposition’. Koziol/10/ follows Kruisinga’s/8/ treatment and

Biese/4/ adopts the same method. Their standpoints is different. The foregoing

examples illustrate nothing but syntactic patterns. That poor

(presented by the definite article, restricted to the plural, with no plural

morpheme added) can function as a primary, or that government, as in

government job, can be used as preadgunct, is a purely syntactic matter. At

the most it could be said, with regard to the poor, that an

inflectional morpheme understood but zero marked. However inflectional

morphemes have a predominantly function character while the addition of lexical

content is of secondary importance. As for government job the syntactic

use of primary as a preadjunct is regularly unmarked, so no zero morpheme can

be claimed. On the other hand, in government-al, -al adds lexical

content, be it ever so little: ‘pertaining to characterizing government’.

Therefore governmental is a syntagma while government (job) is

not. That the phrase jar-off can be used as a preadjunct is again a

syntactic matter. Characterized adverbs do not develop such functions in any

case. We will not therefore, used the term conversion. As a matter of fact,

nothing is converted, but certain stem are used for the derivation of lexical

syntagmas, with the determinatum assuming a zero form. For similar reasons, the

term ‘functional change’ is infelicitous. The term itself doesn’t enter another

functional category, which becomes quite evident when it is considered the

inflected forms.

Endings and derivation.

In inflected languages the derivant and derivative usually have a characteristic

nominal or verbal ending. But, ending are not derivative morphemes. When

English was still a more amply inflected language, the present type existed,

but inflectional differences were more in evidence. Cf. the OE verbs

besceopian, fugelian, gamenian, hearmian, freon (freogian), dernian and

their respective bases besceop, fugol, and the weakening of ending was

little bearing on this subject. With regard to denominate derivation, however,

it is interesting to note that the levelling of endings brought about the loss

of distinction in ME between the OE conjugations. The -an of

ryth-an as well as the -ian of loc-ian resulted in -en.

This reducted the number of patterns for denominal verbs to one.

Derivation connection between verbs and nouns.

With respect to both denominal verbs (type loan verb f. loan

substantive) and deverbal substantives (type look substantive f look

verb) it can be seen that as early as Old English a derivational connection

existed between the present-infinitive stem of weak verb on the one hand and

the stem of nouns on the other. As for deverbal substantive, there was some

competition in the early stages of the language. Like other Germanic languages,

Old English had strong verbs that were connected with substantives containing

an ablaut vowel of the verb (ridan/rad, bindan/bend, beran/bora).

However , this derivational type was unproductive so far back as Old English.

The present-infinitive stem of strong verbs came to be felt to represent the

derivative basis for deverbal substantives in exactly the same way as did the

corresponding stem of weak verbs: ride verb/ride substantive=look verb/look

substantive. But this contention of Biese’s/4/ needs qualification: ‘these

facts indicate the resistance should by strong verbs to the process of

converting them into nouns before, owing to the introduction of weak

inflections, a distinct idea of a universal verb-stem had been developed’. Many

of the verbs had weak forms that derived substantives at an early date have

either never had weak forms are rare or later than the substantives. Verbs such

as bite, fall, feel, fold, freeze, have, grind, hide make steal, tread

are cases in point. This goes to show that the existence of weak verb forms is

incidental to the rise of a derivational connection between the present

infinitive stem of strong verbs and the stem of substantive.

This derivational connection is partly due to class where a strong verb and a

substantive of the same root existed in OE and where phonetic development

resulted in closely resembling forms for both in ME. OE for, faru was

fare by the end of the 12th century while the corresponding OE

verb faran had reached the stage of faren or fare about

the same time. Other examples of pairs are bidan ‘stay’/bid

‘delay, dwelling place’, bindan ‘bind’/bind ‘band, tie’,

drincan ‘drink’/drinc, drinca ‘drink’, fleotan ‘float’/

fleot ‘place, where water flows’, helpan ‘help’/help, hreowan

‘rue’/hreow ‘rue’, slepan ‘sleep’/sl p, slep ‘sleep’. The

derivational relation as it have been described them were fully established

around 200.

Zero-derivation as a «specifically English process».

It is usually assumed that the loss of ending gave rise to derivation by a zero

morpheme. Jespersen/7/ gives a somewhat to simplifying picture of its rise and

development . ‘As a great many native nouns and verbs had...come be identical

in form..., as the same things happened with numerous originally French

words..., it was quite natural that the speech-instinct should take it as a

matter of course that whenever the need of a verb arose, it might be formed

without any derivative ending from the corresponding substantive’. He called

the process ‘specifically English’. As a matter of fact, derivation by a zero

morpheme is neither specifically English nor does it start, as Jespersen’s/7/

presentation would make it appear when most ending had disappeared. Biese’s/4/

study shows quit clearly that it began to develop on a larger scale at the

beginning of the 13th century , i.e. at a time when final verbal

-n had not yet been dropped, when the plural ending of the present was not

yet -en or zero, and when the great influx of French loan words had not

yet started. Bauer/2/ doesn’t think that the weakening of the inflectional

system had anything to do with the problem of zero derivation. Stems are

immediate elements for the speaker, who is aware of the syntagmatic character

of an inflected form. He therefor has no trouble in connecting verbal and

nominal stems provided they occur in sufficiently numerous pairs to establish a

derivational pattern. In Latin which is a highly inflected language, denominal

verbs are numerous: corona/coronare, catena/catenare, lacrima/lacrimare;

cumulus/cumulare, locus/locare, truncus/truncare, nomen, nomin-/nominare;

sacer/sacrare. In Modern Spanish there are full sets of verbal ending

(though in the declension only gender and number are expressed) both types of

zero-derivation are very productive. The weakening of the inflectional system

in English, therefor , can’t have much to do with development of

zero-derivation.

On the other hand, it cannot be denied that despite the relative productivity of

corresponding derivational types in other languages, the derivative range the

English patterns, that of denominal verbs, is still greater. The explanation of

this seems to de that English, unlike Latin, French, Spanish, or German, never

had any competitive types. So, whenever a derivation was made nouns, it

followed the one pattern that existed, i.e. derivation by zero morpheme. The

only derivative morphemes PE has for denominal verbs are -ate, -ize, -ify.

They have restricted range of derivative force: -ate is latinizing and

leaned, -ify is learned while -ize is chiefly technical. All

three derive almost exclusively on a Latin morphologic basis. The suffixal type

dark-en was not originally a deadjectival pattern; in any case, it would

have to a certain extent rivaled the type idle verb f. Idle

adjective only. Derivation by a morpheme, esp. The type loan verb

f. Loan substantive, must therefore be considered the norm and is quite

naturally very strong in English. In German, there are many competitive types.

It is bath mutated and unmutated verbs (faul-en, hart-en, draht-en,

haut-en). There are also denominal verbs with a derivative morpheme (

stein-ig-en, rein-ig-en; with a foreign morpheme telefon-ier-en,

lack-ier-en ). In addition, German makes use of the prefixes be-, er-,

ver-. Such types as ver-rohen, ver-jung-er, vergrosser-n; er-kalt-en,

er-leichter-n; be-end-ig-en, be-herz-ig-en, ver-eid-ig-en have no

counterparts in English. English be- has never played a serious role in

denominal derivation. Nor has the type em-bed ever become productive to

any larger extent. The productivity of the type loan verb f. Loan

substantive seems to be thus reasonably for. The deverbal type look

substantive f. Look verb has been less prolific and is partly bound

up with certain syntactic patterns of grouping. For this, it is do had

competitive patterns. There are the suffixal types arriv-al, break-ade,

guid-ance, improve-ment, organiz-ation and the verbal substantive type

writ-ing though the latter has now chiefly role of deriving action nouns

proper. This is the reason why so many zero-derivatives from verbs of Latin and

French origin, coined the 15th and 16th centuries, were

subsequently replaced by suffixal derivatives in -al, -age, -ance, ment.

«After 1650 the suffix formation have completely gained the upper hand of the

direct conversion of the disyllabic and trisyllabic words derived from French

and Latin verbs»(Biese/4/).

Zero-derivation with loan-words.

As for Latin and French words and derivation from, there are comparatively few

derivatives before (Biese/4/). French words were for some time felt to be

foreign elements and were not «converted» with the same ease as native stems

were. The phenomenon is in no way different from the one it is observed with

derivation by suffixes. Loan words remain strangers for a time, and it usually

takes time before a derivation type is applied to a heterogeneous class of

words. Zero - derivation was facilitated by the eo-existence of borrowed

substantives and verbs., as anchor substantive a 880 (=L) / anchor

verb e 1230 (the OED has doubts, but F ancrer is recorded in the 12

th e., as Bloeh ). Account substantive 1260/verb 1303, change

substantive 1225/verb 1230, charge substantive 1225/verb 1297, cry

substantive 1275/verb 1225, dance substantive 1300/verb 1300, double

adjective 1225/verb 1290, doubt substantive 1225/verb 1225, poison

substantive 1230/verb 13.., rule substantive 1225/verb 1225.

There are quite a few verbs with French roods for which no French verbs are

recorded and which may accordingly be treated as zero derivatives: feeble

verb 1225/adjective 1175, hardy verb 1225/adjective 1225, master

verb 1225/substantive a 1000, pool verb 1275/adjective 1200, saint

verb 1225/substantive 1175. On the other hand, the substantive grant

1225 may be derived from the verb grant 1225. It is only after 1300 that

the process of zero-derivation is as firmly rooted with French as with native

words. Though French originals for later English words may occur, it is just as

safe to consider them as derivatives, as centre verb 1610 fr,

centre substantive 1374, combat verb 1564 fr, combat

substantive 1567 (or the reverse), guard verb 1500 fr, guard

substantive 1426 and others.

Words of Scandinavian origin were more easily incorporated than French words,

and derivation occurs as early as the 13th c.: trist

«trust», boon «ask as a boon, pray for», brod «shoot, sprout»,

smithy «make into a smithy» a.o. (see Biese /4/).

The illustration of various types.

Type loan verb fr. loan substantive

(desubstantival verbs.)

Many PE verbs. go back to OE : answer (andsharu / andswarian), blossom

(blostm / blostnian), claw (clawu / clawian), fish (fisc / fiscian), fire (fyr

/ fytian), harm (hearm / hearmian),wonder (wundor / wundrian), bill «strike

with the bill, peck», ground «bring to the ground», loan

(1240), back (OE), butter (OE), experiment (ME),

lamb (OE), night (OE), piece (ME), pit «cart into a

pit»(OE), plank (ME), plate (ME), plow, plough (OE),

plague (ME), priest (OE), promise (ME), prose (ME),

ridge (OE), rivet (ME), rode (ME), root (EME),

sack (OE), sauce «season» (ME), scale (ME), screen

(ME), shoulder (OE), side (OE), silver (OE), sponge

(OE), spot (ME), story (ME), streak (OE), summer

(OE), table (ME), thong (OE), tin (OE), veil

(ME), winter (OE), all before 1500.

Angle «run into a corner» (ME), balance (ME), butcher

(ME), cipher (ME), cloister (ME), coffin (ME),

collar (ME), colt «run wild as a colt» (ME), cipher (ME),

fancy (1465), fin (OE), gesture (ME), girdle (OE),

glove (OE), gossip (OE), grade (1511), husk (ME),

kennel (ME), knob (ME), ladle (OE), latch (ME),

launder (ME), lecture (ME), libel (ME), mother (OE),

neighbor (OE), place (ME), pole (ME), riddle «speak

in riddles» (OE), shell (OE), shop (ME), star (OE),

stomach «be offended» (ME), sun (OE), vision (ME), all 16

th century blanket (ME), casket (1467), lamp (ME),

leaf (OE), pilot (1530), race «run» (ME), soldier

(ME), all 17th century Capture (1541), diamond (ME),

onion (ME), stocking (1583), tour (ME), all 18th

century Scrimmage (1470), shin (OE), signal (ME),

torpedo (1520), vacation (ME), wolf «eat like a wolf» (OE),

19th century, major 1927.

It would be difficult to give a complete list of derivatives as there is an ever

growing tendency verbs from substantives without derivative morphemes. A few

recent are service, contact (1929), audition, debut, package,

chairman, page, date (1928), process (1945), waitress

(1946), pressure (not in OED or Spl.), feature (rec., as in

the play features). Mencken/11/ gives many more, most of which are, however,

hardly used.

It is likewise useless to try a classification to sense-groups, as there is no

class-denoting formative. The verb may denote almost any verbal action

connected with the basis of the underlying substantive. The verb bed

has or has had the meanings «spread a bed», «put to bed» (with various

implications), «go to bed», «sleep with», and there are more technical

meanings. Bladin/5/ had already pointed out that «every action or occurrence

can be designated by a verb derived from the very noun the idea of which most

easily enters the mind of the person wanting to state a fact», and if

Jespersen/7/ says that «it is difficult to give a general definition of the

sense-relation between substantive and de-substantival verbs», this is rather

an understatement. It may be recognized certain groups, as «put in ...»,

«furnish, cover, affect ...», but it should be noted that each of these senses

is only one the many which the same verb has or may have. Biese/4/, therefore,

makes no attempt at classification, and he is certainly right in doing so. It

may, however, be worthy of note that the privative sense as in dust

«remove the dust (from)» is frequent only with technical terms denoting various

kinds of dressing or cleaning. Exs are bur wool or cotton, burl cloth,

poll, pollard trees, bone, gut, scale fish.

The meaning of a certain verb is clear in a certain speech situation. That

brain means «smash the b.»,can «preserve in cans», winter

«pass the winter», is a result of given circumstances which establish the bridge

of understanding between the speaker and the person or persons spoken to.

There are derivatives from proper names, as boycott 1880 (orig. spelt

with a capital, from the name of Captain Boycott who was first boycotted),

Shanghay 1871 ‘drug and press on board a vessel’, Zeppelin 1916

‘bomb from a zeppelin’ (also clipped = zap).

Some verbs often occur in the -ing substantive only (originally or

chiefly), while finite verb forms or infinitives are not or rarely used, as

hornpiping ‘dancing a hornpipe’ (no verb rec.), slimming, orcharding

‘cultivation of fruit trees (no verb rec.). Dialling ‘the art of

construction dials’, speeching, electioneering, engineering,

parlamenteering, volunteering are the original forms. Converted cpds with

-monger for a second-word are current only in the -ing form (

merit-mongering, money-mongering etc.). Innings are not matched by

any other verb form, nor are cocking ‘cock-fighting’, hopping

‘hop-picking’, moon-shining ‘illicit distilling’ and others.

Type idle verb fr. idle adjective. (deadjectival verbs).

To the OE period go back bitter, busy, cool, fair, fat, light, open, right,

yellow (obs black, bright, dead, strong, old).

From the period between about 1150 and 1200 are recorded obs sick

‘suffer illness’, soft, low (obs meek, hory, hale). The

following date from the period between about 1200 and 1300 (Biese/4/ has

included the Cursor Mundi in this period): black, brown, loose, slight,

better, blind (obs hardly, certain, rich, wide, broad, less). From

the 14th century are recorded ready, clear, grey, sore, pale,

full, dull, round, gentle, English, tender, perfect (obs able, sound,

weak, unable, honest, noble). From the 15th century

purple, stale, clean, from the 16th century shallow, slow,

quiet, empty, bloody, idle, equal, dirty, parallel (and many other now obs

words, as Biese/4/ points out). The 17th century coined crimson,

giddy, worst, blue, gallant, shy, tense, ridicule, unfit, ruddy (and many

how obs words. Biese/4/). From 18th century Are recorded net

‘gain as a net sum’ 1758, total (once 1716, then 1859), negative,

northern (said of landscape), invalid ‘enter on the sick-list’,

queer ‘cheat’ , from the 19th century desperate ‘drive

desperate’, stubborn, sly ‘move in a stealthy manner’, chirk

‘make cheerful’, gross ‘make a gross profit’ 1884, southern

(said of wind), aeriform, true. From our century there are such words

as pretty, wise, lethal, big.

Usually, deadjectival verbs denote change of state, and the meaning is either

‘become ...’ or ‘make ...’. Intransitive verbs with meaning ‘be...’ (as

idle, sly, equal) from quite a small group. Some verbs have a comparative or

superlative as root: better, best, worst, perhaps lower.

Type out verb fr out particle (verbs derived from

locative particles).

Derivation from locative particles is less common than the preceding types. In

Old English there are yppan, fremman (with i-mutation from

up, fram), framian, utian. Later are over ‘to master’ 1456,

obs under ‘cast down’ 1502, off ‘put off’ 1642, down

1778, nigh ‘draw near’ 1200, thwart 1250, west ‘move

towards the west’ 1381, south 1725, north 1866, east

1858.

These words, however, are not very common (except out and thwart).

Type hail verb fr hail interjection (verbs derived

from

minor particles).

Derivation from exclamation and interjection (most of there onomatopoeias) is

more frequent. It will, however, be noted that many of these conversions have

undergone functional and formal changes only without acquiring a well -

grounded lexical existence, their meaning merely being «say..., utter the

sound...». Exs are hail 1200, nay «say nay, refuse» 13..,

mum 1399, obs. Hosht «reduce to silence» etc., whoo (16

th century), humph (17th century), encore, dee-hup

(to a horse), pshaw, halloa, yaw (speak affectedly», hurrah (18

th century), tally-ho (fox-hunting term), boo, yes, heigh-ho

«sigh», bravo, tut, bow-wow, haw-haw, boo-hoo «weep noisily» etc.

(Biese/4/ also Jespersen/7/).

The meaning ‘say...’ may occur with other words also when they are used as

exclamation or interjections, as with iffing (other verb forms are not

recorded), hence ‘order hence’ (obs., 1580). And it may be reckoned

here all the words of the type sir ‘call sir’.

From about 1600 on, geminated forms also occur as verbs. A few have been

mentioned in the foregoing paragraph; others are snip-snap (1593),

dingle-dangle, ding-dong, pit-pat (17th century),

pitter-patter, wiggle-waggle (18th century), criss-cross,

rap-tap, wig-wag (19th century) etc.

The limits of verbal derivation.

Derivation from suffixed nouns is uncommon. Biese’s/4/ treatment of the subject

suffers from a lack of discrimination. He has about 600 examples of

substantives and adjectives; but the ‘suffixes’ are mere terminations. Words

such herring, pudding, nothing, worship are not derivatives. The

terminations -ace, -ice, -ogue, -y (as in enemy) have never had

any derivative force.

Theoretically it would seem that the case of a suffixal composite such as

boyhood is not different from that of a fill compound such as spotlight

. But obviously the fact that suffixes are categorizes generally prevents

suffixal derivatives from becoming the determinants of pseudo-compound verbs.

There are very few that are in common use, such as waitress (rec.),

package (rec., chiefly in form packaged, packaging), manifold

OE (obsolescent today), forward 1596, referee 1889, such

adjectives as dirty, muddy. Many more are recorded in OED (as

countess, patroness, squiress, traitress ‘play the...’, fellowship,

kingdom a.o.).

Another reason seems to be still more important. Many of the nominal suffixes

derive substantives from verbs., and it would be contrary to reason to form

such verbs as arrival, guidance, improvement, organization when

arrive, guide, improve, organize exist. Similar consideration apply to

deadjectival derivatives like freedom or idleness. The verb

disrupture is recorded in OED (though only in participial forms) but it is

not common. Reverence is used as a verb, but it is much older (13..,

1290) than the verb revere (1661). It should also be noted that the

alternation revere/reverence shows characteristics of vowel change and

stress which are irregular with derivation by means of -ance, -ence.

For same reason reference is not a regular derivative from refer,

which facilitated the coinage reference ‘provide with references’ etc.

1884.

There are no verbal derivatives from prefixed words either. The verb unfit

‘make unfit’ 1611 is isolated.

Type look substantive fr. look verb (deverbal

substantives).

Deverbal substantives are much less numerous than denominal verbs. The

frequency-relation between the two types has been approximately the same in all

periods of the language. An exception is to be made for the second half of the

13th century «when the absolute number of conversion-substantives is

larger that of the verbs formed from substantives» (Biese/4/).

Form the 13th century are recorded (unless otherwise mentioned in

parentheses, the resp. Verbs are OE) dread (1175), have, look,

steal, weep, call (1225), crack, ‘noise’, dwell, hide, make,

mislike, mourn, show, spit, ‘spittle’, stint, wrest ‘act of

twisting’ a.o.

From the later ME period are recorded (indications in parentheses refer to the

respective verbs) fall (OE), feel (OE), keep (OE),

lift (ME), move (ME), pinch (ME), put (ME), run

(OE), snatch (ME), sob (ME), walk (OE), wash

(OE).

From the 16th century date craze (ME), gloom (ME),

launch (ME), push (ME), rave (ME), say (OE),

scream (ME), anub (ME), swim (OE), wave (OE); from

the 17th century contest (1579), converse (ME),

grin (OE), laugh (OE), produce (1499), sneeze

(1493), take (ME), yawn (OE); from the 18th century

finish (ME), hand (OE), pry (ME), ride (OE), sit

(OE). From the 19th century fix (ME), meet (OE),

shampoo (1762), spill (OE).

As for the meaning of deverbal substantive, the majority denote the act or

rather a specific instance of what the verbal idea expresses quote,

contest, fall, fix, knock, lift etc. This has been so from the beginning

(Hertrampf and Biese/4/). «The abstract nouns, including nouns of action, are

not only the most common type of conversion-substantives; they are also those

of the greatest importance during the early periods of the development of

conversions» (Biese/4/). «The conversion-substantive used in a personal or

concrete sense are, especially in the earlier stages, of comparatively slight

importance» (ib.).

Concrete senses show mince ‘minced meat’, produce ‘product’,

rattle ‘instrument’, sprout ‘branch’, shoot ‘branch’,

shear ‘shorn animal’, sink ‘sewer’, clip ‘instrument’,

cut ‘passage, opening’, spit ‘spittle’, stride ‘one of a

flight of steps’.

Sbs denoting the result of the verbal action are catch, take, win

‘victory’, cut ‘provision’, find, melt ‘melded substance’,

snatch ‘excerpt from a song’ e.c.

Place-denoting are fold, bend, slip, wush ‘sandbank’, dump etc.

Sbs denoting the impersonal agent are draw ‘attraction’, catch

(of a gate, a catching question etc.), sting ‘animal organ’, tread

‘part of the sole that touches the ground’, do, take-in, all ‘tricky

contrivance’, wipe ‘handkerchief’ sl etc.

There are also number of substantives denoting a person. OE knew the type

boda ‘bode’ (corresponding to L scriba, OHG sprecho) which

in ME was replaced by the type hunter. Several words survived, however,

as bode, help (OE help), hint (the last quotation in

OED is from 1807), and they are occasional ME formations, as ally 1380

(if it is not rather French allie); but could be apprehended as formed

after the type. Obs. Cut (a term of abuse) 1490 does not seem to have

any connection with the verb cut, and scold ‘scolding woman’

1200 is doubtful, the verb is first quoted 1377.

The word wright, which now occurs only as a second-word of cpds (

cart-wright etc.) is no longer apprehended as an agent noun (belonging to

wolk). Otherwise all deverbal substantives denoting a personal agent are of

Modern English origin, 16th century or more recent. The type

probably came into existence under the influence of the types pickpocket

and runabout. Exs are romp ‘child or woman fond of romping’

1706, flirt 1732, crack ‘cracksman’ 1749 (thieves’ sl),

bore ‘tiresome p.’ 1812, sweep ‘chimney sweeper’ 1812, coach

‘tutor, trainer’ 1848 (misleadingly classed in OED, as if from substantive

coach), discard ‘discarded person’. The great number of depreciative

terms is striking.

For the sake of convenience it is repeated here the examples of such personal

deverbal substantives as form the second-words of cpds: upstart 1555,

by-blow 1595=obs. By-slip 1670 ‘bastard’, chimney-sweep

1614, money-grub 1768, shoeblack and bootbleck 1778,

new-come ‘new arrival’ 1577, bellhop, carhop rec.

The formation if deverbal substantives may be considered from the angle of

syntactical grouping. No doubt there are different frequency-rates for a word

according to the position which it has in a sentence. Biese/4/ has devoted a

chapter to the question and has established various types of grouping which

have influenced the growth of the type. It can be seen that deverbal

substantives frequently occur in prepositional groups (to be in the know

), that type are often the object of give, make, have, take (less so of

other verbs), that only 11% of the examples show the deverbal substantives as

subject of the sentence and that they are frequently by adjuncts. The most

important patterns are ‘(be) in the know’ and ‘(have) a look

’. Exs of the first type are phrases such as in the long run, upon the go,

with a thrust of his hair, after this sit, for a tell, for the kill, for the

draw, of English make, at a qulp, etc.

As for the t. ‘(have) a look’, «the use of phrasal verbs with

conversion-substantives may be said to be a very marked feature during all

periods from early ME up to the present time. As shown by these quotations, the

origins of this use may be said to go back as far as the OE period» (Biese/4/).

Exs are; have a wash, a smoke, a swim, a chat etc., give a laugh, a

cry, a break, a toss, a whistle, the chick, the go-by etc., take a

ride, a walk, a swim, a read, the lead etc., make a move, a dive, a

bolt, a bow etc. etc.

It will be interesting to compare zero-derivatives with the -ing

substantives. Historical speaking there is no longer a competition so far as the

formation of common substantives is concerned. The number of new-formed

-ing substantives has been steadily decreasing since the beginning of the

MoE period. According to Biese/4/ the figures for newly introduced -ing

substantives, as compared with zero-derivatives of the same verbs, are as

follows: 13th century = 62, 14th = 80, 15th =

19, 16th =12, 17th century =5, 18th century

=2, 19th century =0. Biese/4/ has obviously considered the rise of

new forms only, but the semantic development of -ing

substantives. Otherwise his figures would have been different. Any verb may

derive an -ing substantive which can take the definite article. The

-ing then invariably denotes the action of the verb: the smoking of the

gentlemen disturbed me. The zero-derivative, as compared with the ing,

never denotes the action but gives the verbal ideal in a nominalized form, i.e.

the notional content of the verbal idea (with the secondary implication of the

idea ‘act’): the gentlemen withdrew for a smoke. «In their use with

phrasal verbs -ing forms have become obsolete, whereas there is an ever

increasing number of conversion substantives used in conjunction with verbs

like make, take etc....»(Biese/4/). On the other hand, common

substantives in ing are now chiefly denominal, denoting something

concrete, chiefly material which eliminates ing as a rival for

zero-derivatives. According to Biese/4/ this distinction is already visible in

the early stages of conversion. Biese/4/ points out that a prepositional

substantive following a substantive is almost always a ‘genitivus subjectivus’

(the grind of wheels), whereas the same type of group following an

-ing substantive is most often a ‘genitivens objectivus’ which is certainly

an observation to the point, as it shows the verbal character of the -ing

substantives as compared with the more nominal character of zero-derivatives.

A few instances of semantically differentiated derivatives are

bother/bothering, build/building, proceeds/proceedings, meet/meeting,

set/setting, turn/turning, bend/bending, find/finding, sit/sitting,

cut/cutting, feel/feeling, paint/painting.

Sometimes deverbal substantives are only idiomatic in the plural: it divers

me the creeps (the jumps), turn on the weeps A sl, have the prowls

A sl, the bends ‘caisson disease’, for keeps ‘for good’.

An apparent exception are derivatives from expressive verbs in -er (type

clatter) and -le (type sparkle) which are pretty numerous

(Biese/4/), but in fact most of these verbs are not derivatives in the way

verbs in -ize or -ify are, because few simple verbs exist

alongside of the composites. These words are better described as composites of

expressive elements, so the suffixes are not categorizes.

Derivation from prefixed verbs is restricted to composites with the prefixes

dis-, mis-, inter-, and re- (see the respective prefixes). With

other prefixes, there have only been attempts at nominal derivation. Biese/4/

has befall, beget, begin, behave, belay, belove, beseech, bespeak, bestow,

betide, betrust as substantives. But they were all short-lived and rare.

With the exception of belay 1908, a technical term, none seems to be in

use today.

Biese/4/ has established a so-called detain- type, i.e. substantives

derived from what he considers to be prefixed verbs. It do not seen the point

of this distinction as one could analyze very few of his 450 words or so. The

majority are unit words.

Zero-derivation and stress.

It shall now be made a few remarks about such types as have not been treated

in this chapter. The stressing tendencies differ according to whether the

basis is a unit word or a composite, also according to whether derivation is

made from a noun or a verb.

Nominal derivation from composite verbs involves shift of stress. Examples are

the types runaway / blackout, overthrow, interchange, misfit, reprint

which are derived from actual or possible verbal composites with the stress

pattern --. The process has not yet come to an end which will explain that the

OED, Webster and others very often give stress indications which no longer

tally with the speech habits of the majority. Many cbs of the blackout

type and all the substantives of the types misfit and reprint

are stressed like the verbs resp. Verbal phrases in OED.

Of prefixal types only verbs with inter-, mis- and re- have

developed stress-distinguished substantives. No similar pairs exist for neg.

un- (no verbal type exists, anyway), reversative un-, be-, de- (

be- and de- are only deverbal).

Verbs derived from composite substantives do not change their stress pattern.

Cp. such verbs as backwash, background, afterdate, by-pass, counterweight,

outlaw, outline, underbrush which are forestressed like their underlying

nominal bases. This also explains the fluctuation in the stressing of

counter- verbs, as counter-sign, counter-sink, stressed like the

substantives though the verbal stress pattern is middle stress/heavy stress.

With unit words the current tendency is to retain the stress of the underlying

basis in deverbal nouns as well as in denominal verbs. We may call this

homologic stressing. Bradin/5/ had stated the fact for denominal verbs without,

however, discussing the problem as to the obvious exceptions, while

Jespersen/7/ speaks of ‘such an important thing in ford-formation as the

stress-shifting in record substantive and verb’.

To a certain extent, it is a stress distinction between nouns and verbs which

are otherwise homophonous. This distinctive stress pattern occurs chiefly with

disyllabic words, record substantive / record verb. examples

are contract, accent, affix, infix, prefix, suffix, augment, impress,

concert, contrast, convert, escort, essay, export, object, subject, project,

present, progress, protest, survey, torment, transfer.

The number of non-shifting examples is much greater, however. It will be first

given instances of forestressed words with homologic stress: comment,

compact, exile, figure, plaster, preface, prelude, prison, quarrel, climax,

focus, herald, process, program, triumph, waitress, rivet, segment, sojourn,

turmoil, contact, ‘bring or come into contact’, congress ‘meet in a

congress’, incense ‘burn incense’, probate. To these may be

added such verbs as are felt to be derived from a substantive and therefore

forestressed like the underlying bases, at least in AE: accent, conflict,

concrete (as in concrete a wall, also in OED), contract (as

in contract a document), digest (as digest a book),

export, import (prob. originating in contrastive stressing), recess

(as recess a wall), survey (in certain senses), torment

(frequent), transfer (the regular stressing as a railway team).

The group of non-shifting endstressed words is considerably larger. Unit words

beginning with de-, dis-, re- are especially numerous. Examples are:

accord, advance, assent, attack, decay, delay, defeat, dispatch, despute,

escape, exclaim, (as a deverbal substantive ‘presenting position of a

rifle’), precise, relax, remove, repay, reform, support (Biese/4/).

On the other hand, it is found instances of distinctive stressing in AE:

address, conserves, discard, discharge are often heard with forestress when

substantives, also relay and research; reject substantive with

forestress is the only pronunciation possible. Of these, relay and

research may be explained as reinterpretations after the t. reprint

substantive /reprint verb; reject is perh. influenced by

subject, object, project, traject. In any case, this tendency towards

distinctive stress in deverbal substantives is weak as compared with that

towards homologic stress.

To sum up: the tendency with denominal verbs is to give them the stress of the

underlying nominal basis, which has in many cases led to homologic stress with

all or part of the verbal meanings versus older distinctive stress. Deverbal

substantives, on the whole, show the same inclination to homologic stress. But

there is also a weak tendency towards distinctive stress, though chiefly in AE.

As for the tendency toward stress distinction between nominal and verbal

homophones pointed out by Jespersen/7/, it was perhaps vaguely on the analogy

of composites that it came into existence. The original stress with these loans

from French or Latin was on the last syllable (F absent, L

abstract(um)), so verbs retained this stress all the more easily as many

native verbs were so stressed: become, believe, forbid, forget, mislead

etc., whereas almost all disyllabic native substantives, unit words as well as

composites were forestressed (the few contrary examples such as unhealth,

unrest, untruth, belief hardly count against the overwhelming majority).

This may have led to a tendency towards forestress with non-native disyllabic

substantives too. But what has taken on the character of a strong derivative

device with composites has proved much weaker with unit words on account of

their entirely different structure. Further development seems to point in the

direction of homologic stressing.

Combination of the type hanger-on may be mentioned here. As they are

functionally characterized by the suffix -er, the absence of stress

shift is only natural. The stress pattern of the underlying verbal phrase is

retained.

The abilities in production new words from colourmarcking adjectives.

The world around of us is the world of colour and paints, for which a variety

of combinations and shades is characteristic. The colour is one of properties

of objects of the material world and is perceived as the realized visual

sensation. The adjectives are used as a special part of speech serving for a

colour designation . The word-formation serves for a designation of colour

shades of adjectives, and also for the parts of speech formed from them.

Between that, the word-formation aspect of lexic has remained indifferently,

word-formation relations inside this layer, with its originality, deserves

the attention by way of their description and study in the language.

The word-formation is a system, which unites grammatical and lexical, that

speaks about its enterlevel character and allows to apply the complex

approach to the investigated phenomena. Essence of grammar of a word-

formation suffix, which signals about the belonging a derivative word to

this or that part of speech and defines its paradigm, confirms this idea.

Also, on the basic purpose, which consists in creation of a new word and

updating of the vocabulary , the indissoluble unity of a word-formation and

lexicon is shown. Besides the word-formation, having own sphere of research,

studies word-formation resources and processes conducting to creation of

word-formation models, and also condition of functioning and filling the

lasts.

As the adjectives of a colourmarking concern to the most ancient layer of

lexicon, at their analysis there was necessary to pay attention to the facts

of diachronic, and also to consider an originality of the given group of

words, which is allocated with the various symbolic. This circumstance finds

the reflection in formation of portable meanings which are included in

lexical-semantic structure of initial adjectives, and influences the lexical

filling of word-formation models their derivatives.

The study of lexical-semantic structures of colourmarking adjectives has

shown unusual connection of colour and noncolour meanings, variety of their

shades, the influence of the nonlanguage validity on semantics of a word. It

was established, that the contextual environment of colourmarking adjectives

has the large importance for the adequate description of their lexical-

semantic structures.

The word-formation model is closely connected to word-formation paradigm.

Each adjective has own paradigm having unequal extent and various morpheme

filling of models, included in it. On the basis of research of each separate

paradigm, it is possible to deduce the generalized word-formation paradigm of

the given group of words, which is characterized by presence constant, basic,

facultative and even “unique” participants, that is shown in the limits of

the language.

The word-formation can be made:

1) inside one part of speech: A+suf=A1

2) by a transposition: - A+suf=N,

- A+suf=V,

- A+suf=D,

- V+suf=N,

where A - initial adjective, suf - word-forming suffix, A1, N, V, D -

derivatives: adjective, noun, verb, adverb.

1. A+suf=A1.

The basic suffixes -ish, -y are the constant and obligatory members of

general word-formation paradigm, i.e. enter into the paradigm of each

adjective.

2.1 A+suf=N.

-ness is the conducting suffix here. The abstract nouns belong to this model

in the English language: blueness.

Other derivatives, in which formation the various suffixes take part, are

facultative, i.e. can be found in paradigm of one or two adjectives.

The presence of the facultative members depends on portable and minor

meanings which are included in lexical-semantic structure of initial lexises.

So in a derivative noun “blueism” one of meanings of the adjective “blue” -

"интеллектуальный", "ученый", "премудрый" etc. is realized, and the suffix -

ism introduces in the semantics of the derivative the generalized meaning.

The portable meaning of an adjective “green” - "неопытный", "незрелый" is

shown in the appropriate derivatives – “greener, greenie” - carriers of this

quality. It is necessary to note, that paradigmatic lines can have unequal

extent because of the facultative members. “Green - greenness, greenery,

greenth, greenage, greener, greenie, greenlet, greening, greenling”.

Speaking about the semantic of the derivatives it is necessary to note that

their polysemantic is in the direct dependence on character of lexical-

semantic structure of an initial basis. Depending on a context the suffix

noun “blueness “ one of the meanings of motivating adjectives realizes: «

синева, лазурь, синий цвет » (blue – “синий, голубой” -the actualizing of the

basic colour meaning), "синяк" ( the actualizing of minor meaning),

«ученость, премудрость, интеллектуальность» (blueism), "«непристойность"

(blue-joke - « неприличная, непристойная шутка » - the actualizing of

portable meaning).

The realization of the model A+suf=N is connected to redistribution of semas

and one-radical parts of speech in semantic structure. General-categorical

sema of that part of speech, in which the initial lexis was transposed - here

it is a sema of a subject inherent by a noun, become the basic one. After it,

semas, subordinated to it: abstract, concrete and animate, follow, depending

on character of a derivative noun. Only then the general-categorical sema of

an initial adjective - sema of an attribute settles down.

2.2 A+suf=V.

The suffix verbs formed from colourmarking adjectives, carry facultative

character (redden, blacken, whiten) and differ by the ramified lexical-

semantic structure. Its size is defined not only because of entrance

simultaneously of semas of transitivity and intransitivity in it, but also

due to more various lexical semantics. The given model also is characterized

by redistribution of semas, which occurs at a verbal transposition. The

conducting place is occupied by a general-categorical sema of verbs – the

sema of process, and also semas, subordinated to it, of transitivity and

intransitivity. Only after them the sema of an attribute inherent in initial

adjectives, follows.

2.3 A+suf=D.

This model is submitted in the English language by a suffix -ly, and the

derivative adverbs are the constant members of the paradigm (bluely, brownly,

greenly, yellowly).

2.4 V+suf=N.

In the English language this model is submitted by suffix nouns formed from

verbs. To blue bluer « тот, кто воронит сталь ». The English deverbal nouns

with a suffix -ing are characterized by constant participation in

paradigm (blueing, browning, greening, redding, yellowing).

Besides the affix models, examining the word-formation opportunities of

colourmarking adjectives the important role is played by models of an

affixless wordmaking. They assume an obligatory transposition of parts of

speech. If the distinctive feature of an affix word-making is the presence of

a marker as a final word-forming suffix, then such marker is not present at

the affixless (implicit) word-making. Because of its complexity the problem

of an affixless word-making is examined from various points of view, and the

ways for its solution are planned:

1. The word-formation means of this way of a word-making come to light;

2. The processes occurring at an affixless word-making, are examined

in connection with typological features of the language and its morphological

build;

3. The criteria for a synchronous establishment of a direction of a

derivation are developed;

4. Various methods of the analysis are applied, supplementing each other.

Two basic models of an affixless word-making were allocated: AàN, Aà V.

The model AàN reflects the phenomenon of a substantivation.

The English language, where the category of a gender is absent, aspires to

include various meanings in one lexeme structure and to expand volume of its

lexical-semantic structure by that, at realization of this model. An

indispensable condition of functioning derivative, formed on the given model,

is the change of categorial semantics of a part of speech and redistribution

of semas in their semantic structure. Besides an obligatory general-

categorial sema of a noun -the sema of a subject, for the English derivative

lexeme the entry in its structure simultaneously of semas abstract and

concrete, animate and inanimateness etc. is peculiar, that is the specific

feature of the English language. In the English language, with its analytical

tendency, there is an aspiration to a full semantic filling of a word.

The character of semantic shifts occurring at realization of this model, can

be explained with help of lexical-semantic structure, where the meaning

contains, which is modified in appropriate derivatives. The nouns formed on

this model, are included into the structure of various phraseologies: out of

blue - is "неожиданно". It shows the connection of word-formation and

phraseological systems of the language.

There is an interest in the cases when in a basis of phraseologies the

various colour associations lay: to fire into the brown - « стрелять мимо

цели, неметко ».

The comparison of models of an affix and affixless word-making shows, that

the distinctive attribute of the lasts is in their poly-semantic not as in

the appropriate suffix models , the most important feature is the opportunity

of being included in various phraseologies.

AàV. The typological feature of these verbs is that they include the

semas of transitivity and intransitivity in their lexical-semantic structure

and it expand the categorial semantic because of it.

The portable meanings of the colourmarking adjectives find their reflections

in the English verbs : to green « обманывать, мистифицировать »ß green «

доверчивый, простодушный ».

The word addition has the wide circulation among the suffix and prefix word-

formation during the all extent of development of the language.

The number of questions are allocated from all of problems concerning

formation of complex words,: 1) the compatibility of the appropriate

colourmarking adjectives with other categories of words; 2) what element of

meaning, basic or portable, is realized there; 3) distribution of models of

complex words in the parts of speech; 4) feature of their structure and

functioning.

To typological criteria also belong: a) number of components forming a new

word; b) a way of the connection components:

· full complete;

· is incomplete combined;

· connection with the help of service words;

c) A type of the semantic connection between the components of a complex

word, which carries an attribute character in the examined models.

Complex nouns including the colourmarking adjective as one of the components,

makes out the lexical groups of words. The names of plants, animal, minerals

etc. concern to them. The complex words which in result of metonym carry

from a part on whole serve the name of an animal or plant widely submitted

among them : redbreast "малиновка". It, so-called, "bahoovrihs". The group of

words is also allocated, where the colourmarking adjectives, combining with

the name of clothes, form " bahoovrihs ", used for calling the man: blue

jacket "матрос". At the same time there is a number of differences in еру

realization of models of complex nouns and their functioning. In the English

language there are difficulties in the differentiation of complex word from

word combination. It is depend on the nonexpressed morphological structure of

the English word. Frequently English language prefers word combinations: to

look blue «выглядеть унылым ». Because of that the English language has a

plenty of phraseological word combinations including colourmarking adjectives

: blue devils "хандра", brown study « мрачное раздумье ». The increased

lexical-semantic structure with a metamorphosing of meanings is the

characteristic feature of the English complex word : blue-cap «круглая

плоская синяя шапочка (ее раньше носили в Шотландии)», «шотландцы», «лосось

первого года жизни», «синица», «василек», «сорт пива».

The basic type of a complex word is two-componented, the basic way of

connection of the components is full complete. The connection with the help

of a connecting element is not very typically for the English language.

The models of complex adjectives including colourmarking adjectives as one of

components, are present in the English language. As the basic part of speech

expressing colour shades, are the adjectives, the basic attention is given to

the appropriate complex adjectives. The English language, besides complex

words, aspires to use the word combinations, and also derivative and radical

lexemes: purple.

The formation of compound verbs on conversion is typical of the English

language: to bluestocking « быть синим чулком », to brownbag (slang) «

приносить в ресторан свою еду ». Last word is rather new, that speaks

about the role of the given tendency in a word-formation of the English

language, it is also possible the further word-making - brown – bagger.

III. Practical part.

It is impossible to underestimate a role of studying of a word-formation in

an primary school. As the teaching of foreign language should pass in

complex, i.e. the studying English should include the basic directions:

grammar, phonetics and lexicon, the importance of studying of word-formation

aspect of lexicon becomes doubtless. The studying of conversion, which

because of the extreme productivity is one of conducting ways of creation

the new words in the English language, can become one of the ways of

updating of the child’s vocabulary . Here it should be noted the importance

of lexicon, in general, in studying of foreign language in primary school.

The lexicon should be acquired in system, therefore the work above the

child’s vocabulary should begin from the first day of studying English

and proceed during the all period of training, day-to-day.

One of the basic principles of selection of lexicon in primary school is the

common use, i.e. the opportunity of the using in the colloquial speech,

hence, in the younger classes is not selected special lexicon as the words

for studying. The very small quantity of time is allocated for acquaintance

and training of that lexicon, which is not of a situation, necessary for

creation of a dialogue.

The plenty of time is allocated for studying of a word, acquaintance with its

meaning, its role in the sentence, in the system of language, however items

of information about its formation and opportunity of formation new words

from it are given, only if the speech goes about a word formed suffix, seldom

prefix, way of a word-formation. The words formed on conversion, are simply

showed, as two different parts of speech, that does not give an opportunity

to children itself to make words, basing on the knowledge of this way of a

word-formation. For comprehension of importance of this aspect of language it

is necessary to address to a psychological linguistic nature of lexicon. You

see in psychology the word is the complex activator, for example, at

perception and understanding of oral and written speech, this complex speech

action (at expression of thoughts). At understanding of a word the acoustical

and visual analyzers will be involved, and this integrated approach promotes

the best mastering. The dialogue in foreign language is rather difficult

activity for the child. It occurs that, first, for the younger schoolboy it

is much easier to communicate on the native language much and it is not

clearly, why he should express in English, secondly, for this purpose it is

necessary to make rather difficult mental operation - to choose the words,

suitable on sense, from the vocabulary to construct the sentence

grammatically correctly, observing thus the words order , i.e. to do so that

to be understood. Becomes obvious, that the updating of the child’s

vocabulary is one of the basic problem for the teacher, you see the word is

a basic minimal unit of any language.

The studying of conversion, as one of ways of a word-formation, will help to

do the child‘s vocabulary more rich, to make his speech more expressive,

and also to fill up passive and active vocabulary, by means of formation the

new words himself. Now, reading, for example, a book, it will not be

necessary to him to look for a word formed on conversion, in the dictionary,

but to define its meaning, using the knowledge of this phenomenon of

language. Especially, the nouns and verbs formed from adjectives of a

colourmarking by this way, are included into structure of various

phraseologies, where carry more often portable meaning.

Some courses, foreign and Russian were analysed, where English is taught, as

foreign language. It is interesting to note, that the word-formation is not

studied neither in primary, nor in secondary school, however, it is possible

to find some items concerning this aspect of lexicon. Courses: Russian

(English by Vereshchagina, Pretykina and Learning English by Skulta) and

foreign (Magic Time and Hot Line by Tom Hutchinson) have various methodical

base, usually it is: some text books, teacher's book, reading book , active

book, audio cassettes. There is not any word about conversion in this

courses, however, words formed in this way are given simply as different

parts of speech, and the connection between them is not explained.

With the purpose of revealing a level of children’s knowledge about a

conversion word-formation the ascertaining experiment was done, where

children were offered to do the following task (see appendix 1). Every pupil

have received individual card, in which a number of pairs sentences on

English with translation and the missed words was given. The list of words

was located below, from which it was necessary to choose a word, suitable on

sense, and to insert it into the appropriate sentence. In 10 minutes the

works were gathered. (Results of experiment see appendix 7, table 1)

For formation the skill of the conscious using words formed by a way of

conversion ,in oral and written speech and also for acquaintance with its

role in the English language the forming experiment including number of the

tasks, promoting to achievement of this purpose was done. The final aim was

not in remembering the term conversion and its definitions by the pupils,

but in understanding of sense of the phenomenon, as one of the most

productive ways of formation of new words in the English language. At the

first stage, on an example of two sentences, using the leading questions,

children come to a conclusion, that the same word can represent various parts

of speech (see appendix 2). At the following stage was primary fastening of

this material, i.e. the schoolboys were offered to explain the statement of

this or that word in the sentence on an example of a material of ascertaining

experiment (see appendix 3). The following task consist in the following: a

number of adjectives of a colourmarking was offered to children who needed

to translate them; it is quite natural, that the schoolboys have apprehended

them as adjectives. Further before the younger schoolboys the dilemma was

put: whether these words can have the pair, which would be the other part of

speech without changing the form of the word. All children successfully

have coped with this task, using the dictionaries, conclusion that these

pairs of words illustrate the phenomenon of conversion, was made by

schoolboys by themselves (see appendix 4). Further group of children was

divided into the brigades, the individual word was offered to every one, with

which they needed to do the following operations: to find out, one or

several parts of speech can be represented by this word to prove it, it was

necessary to make the sentences with these words and to explain an belonging

the word to this or that part of speech. By the purpose of this task was to

fix the pupils’s knowledge of this theme, and also to train in the using of

these words in the sentence, in particular, and in speech in general (see

appendix 4). At the following stage of generalization of the knowledge and

fastening, automation of skill of the using the words formed on conversion

the task consist in, that 1) to define a part of speech of the allocated

words in the sentence, 2) to make the sentences similar by the given ones, 3)

to define a part of speech of the words submitted outside of a context. The

third part of the task is obviously impracticable, because it was given only

the graphic form of a word, that in general ruled out any opportunity to

differentiate it as part of speech. It is natural, that children have done

only the two first parts of the task, last part has caused them the quite

justified difficulties, and by the method of group work succeeded to come to

the conclusion that the words given only in a graphic form, can designate

different parts of speech, for the confirmation it the schoolboys had to use

the dictionaries (see appendix 5). If to speak about the whole forming

experiment, it is possible to note, that the children liked the tasks, they

tried to do everything in time. Though this experiment did not put as the

purpose the remembering the term conversion and its definitions by the

children , however, almost all children used it in the demonstration and

independent explanation.

The purpose of a check experiment was revealing the level of children’s

knowledge . For this purpose the test was offered to the schoolboys, where

answering on questions "yes", "no", they came to a certain pictogram, which

designated the certain mark. The questions are made by a principle from

simple to difficult, therefore children at first have apprehended this task,

as a game (see appendix 6). The results of check have shown a rather high

level of the knowledge (see appendix 7, table 2).

Considering the results of the done work, it is possible to come to

conclusion that the studying of this theme regularly, can give quite

acceptable results. Though there is no sufficient methodical base, which

could help with formation of the skill of using the words formed on

conversion in oral and written speech, mastering children of knowledge on

this theme however is possible. As the adequate moment of a beginning

studying of this phenomenon it is possible to consider the third year of

training of foreign language in a primary school. The studying of this

aspect of the English language promotes the enrichment of the child’s

dictionary , and as it was spoken plays not the last role in studying of the

language, forms the skill of independent work, develops such mental

processes, as memory, logic thinking, ability to analyze and to compare. The

next years of training the deepening and expansion of this theme with a

support on the items of information received in an elementary school is

possible.

IV. Conclusion.

The examination of the works of some authors (Adams, Jespersen, Marchand/1, 7,

10/), shows such problem, as the exact status of conversion within

word-formation is unclear. For some scholars conversion is a brunch of

derivation, for others it is a separate type of word-formation, on level with

derivation and compounding. Whether this distinction has any real effect on the

structure of a theory of word-formation. Most writers use both terms appear to

use them as synonyms. However many authors agreed that the conversion is one of

the most productive ways of a word-formation and is a lexical category, though

many of them show it as a grammatical category too. Then the word changes the

form class of a form without any corresponding changes of form, it accepts all

grammatical attributes of this class. The significant productivity of

conversion word-formation is shown also in ability of formation the new words

practically from any part of speech, including prepositions. In the paper the

models of conversion word-formation are submitted, such as:

verbßsubstantive, verbßadjective, verbßlocative particles,

verbßinterjections, substantiveßverb. Examining the opportunities

of formation the new words from adjectives of a colourmarking, it is possible

to note, that they participate in suffix, conversion word-formation, and also

form new words by word adding. And at any of these ways can be realized both

direct, and portable meaning, and the words formed on conversion (more often

nouns) can be included into structure of phraseologies.

The purpose of the put experiments of a practical part of this paper was

achieved. Children have acquired the offered initial knowledge of a theme of

a conversion word-formation, have learned to use such words in oral and

written speech. Besides it, they have remembered the term "conversion".

Taking into account the quite good results, received during the experiment, it

is possible to plan the further ways of development of studying this way of

word-formation at school and, in particular, in primary classes. The further

studying of this phenomenon can be done by offering serially one of the models

VßA, NßV etc. It is possible to predict the successful result of

this studying,, and at the end, children would be able to find the examples of

conversion word-formation and use them in oral and written speech

V. Bibliography.

1. Adams, V. An introduction to Modern English word-

formation. Longman. 1973.

2. Bauer, L. English word-formation. Cambridge. 1983.

3. Bett, H. Wandering among words. Allemand. 1936.

4. Biese, Y. Origin and development of conversion in English. Helsinki. 1941.

5. Brown, I. Just another word. Cape. 1943.

6. Bladin, V. Studies and denominative verbs in English. Uppsala. 1911.

7. Jespersen, O. A modern English grammar on historical principles.

Copenhagen. 1942.

8. Kruisinga, E. A handbook of present day English. Groningen. 1932.

9. Lyons, J. Introduction to theoretical linguistic. London. 1972.

10. Marchand, H. The categories and types of present day word-formation.

Harrassowitz. 1960.

11. Mencken, H. The American language. New York. 1936.

12. Vallins, G. The making and meaning of words. Black, London. 1941.

13. Воронцова, Г. Очерки по грамматике английского языка. М. 1960.

14. Жирмунская, М. Л. Словообразовательные потенции прилагательных

цветообозначения в современных германских языках. М., 1982.

15. Иванова, И. П. Христоматия по истории английского языка. Л. 1973.

16. Каращук, П. Словообразование английского языка. М. 1977.

17. Мешков, О. Словообразование в современном английском языке. М. 1976.

18. Сильницкий, Г (отв. ред.). Проблемы английского словообразования.

Смоленск. 1976.

19. Смирницкий, А. История английского языка. М. 1953.

20. Смирницкий, А. Лексикология современного английского языка. М. 1956.

Dictionaries.

-Berg, P. A dictionary of new words in English. London. 1953.

-Jones, D. An English pronouncing dictionary. London. 1957.

-The Oxford pocket Russian dictionary. Oxford. 1994.

Appendix 1. Ascertaining experiment.

Цель: выявить уровень знаний учащихся об употреблении слов, образованных по

конверсии.

Задание: вставить слова подходящие по смыслу вместо . в предложения.

1. She . very well. Она готовит очень хорошо.

She is a good . . Она хороший повар.

2. There is a small . room in this flat. В этой квартире есть маленькая

квадратная комната.

There are a lot of parks and . in our city. В нашем городе много парков и

площадей.

3. The bush of . grows under the window. Куст сирени растет под окном.

I have very beautiful . dress. У меня есть очень красивое . платье.

4. There are red and . flowers in the vase. В вазе стояли красные и

желтые цветы.

Leaves . in autumn. Листья желтеют осенью.

Слова для справки: cook, round, violet, yellow, sweet, look, lilac, square.

Appendix 2. Forming experiment. Stage 1.

Цель всего формирующего эксперимента: сформировать навык сознательного

употребления слов, образованных по конверсии, в устной и письменной речи.

Задачи:

1) образовательная:

· грамматическая: повторять употребление времен группы Simple и Continuous;

· лексическая: привести детей к пониманию смысла изучаемого явления,

пополнение активного словаря ребенка посредством знакомства с новыми

словами, с конверсией, как одним из способов словообразования, посредством

перевода некоторых слов из пассивного словаря в активный;

· фонетическая: тренировать в произнесении необходимых звуков, особенно

звуков второй и третей группы сложности.

2) воспитательная: учить детей самостоятельно находить информацию, в т.ч.

пользоваться словарями, воспитывать чувство взаимопомощи и взаимовыручки;

3) развивающая: развивать такие психические функции, как память,

логическое мышление, произвольное внимание.

этапы	содержание	примерные ответы учащихся
Основная часть Вывод:	Look at the blackboard. Who can read these sentences? I like this sweet. This apple issweet. Who can translate these sentences? Right. Как вы думаете, почему именно эти два слова выделены? А я сейчас вам докажу, что это не совсем так. Давайте внимательно посмотрим, какой частью речи является это слово в первом предложении? А во втором? Так что же это получается, может одно из них неправильное? Значит, действительно так бывает, что одно и то же слово может обозначать разные части речи. Это бывает только в английском языке, или кто-нибудь знает подобные примеры и в русском? Значит, какой вывод мы можем сделать из того, что мы сейчас выяснили?	-мне нравится эта конфета. Это яблоко сладкое. -потому что они одинаковые. Это существитель-ное. Это прилагательное Нет, оба правильные. Мороженое –и прилагательное, и существитель-ное. В английском языке, так же как и в русском есть такие слова, внешне ничем не отличающиеся, но обозначающие разные части речи.

Appendix 3. Forming experiment. Stage 2.

этапы	содержание	примерные ответы учащихся
Основная часть Итог:	Давайте вспомним ту работу, которую мы писали. Те слова, которые нужно было вставить я выделила другим цветом. Вам нужно только объяснить, какой частью речи они выражены и почему вы так решили. 1. She cooks very well. Она готовит очень хорошо. She is a good cook . Она хороший повар. 2. There is a small square room in this flat. В этой квартире есть маленькая квадратная комната. There are a lot of parks and squares in our city. В нашем городе много парков и площадей. 3. The bush of lilac grows under the window. Куст сирени растет под окном. I have very beautiful lilac dress. У меня есть очень красивое сиреневое платье. 4. There are red and yellow flowers in the vase. В вазе стояли красные и желтые цветы. Leaves yellow in autumn. Листья желтеют осенью. Давайте подумаем, почему вы не справились с этим заданием раньше. Что нам еще раз подтвердили эти предложения? Такое превращение слова из одной части речи в другую в английском языке называется «конверсия». Посмотрите, какими частями речи может быть обозначено одно слово? Какими частями речи может быть одно и то же слово? Кто запомнил, как называется это явление?	-здесь это слово является глаголом, т.к. обозначает действие, является сказуемым и оканчивается на s, а это окончание глаголов 3 л. н. вр. -это существи-тельное, т.к. перед ним стоит артикль и прилагательное. -это прилагательное, т.к. стоит перед существительным и говорит о том, какая это комната - существительное, здесь оно оканчивается на s, потому что существительное стоит во множественном числе. -существительное, обозначает название растения. -прилагательное, т.к. обозначает признак предмета. -прилагательное, т.к. обозначает признак предмета. -глагол, т.к. обозначает действие и в предложении является сказуемым. -мы не знали о том, что одинаково написанные слова могут обозначать разные части речи. Сущ. - глагол, прил. –глагол, прил. – сущ. Конверсия.

Appendix 4. Forming experiment. Stage 3.

этапы	содержание	Примерные ответы учащихся
Основная часть: Мини вывод:	Скажите, все ли вы знаете об английских прилагательных, обозначающих цвета? Посмотрите на доску, прочитайте слова и переведите: Blue, black, pink, yellow, violet, lilac. А теперь возьмите словари и проверьте, нет ли у этих слов, кроме этого значения цвета, другие значения, выраженные другой частью речи? Какой вывод мы можем сделать?	-да. -голубой, черный, розовый, желтый, фиолетовый, сиреневый. -небо, траур, гвоздика, желтеть, фиалка, сирень. У прилагательных , обозначающих цвета тоже встречается такое явление «конверсия».

Stage 4.

Работа в бригадах. Проверка:

Теперь вам нужно разделиться на бригады по три человека. Задание будет общим, но слова будут разные: green, look, bath, dry. У каждой бригады свое слово, с ним нужно сделать следующее: найти все его значения в словаре, узнать, в роли каких частей речи оно может выступать, составить предложения, в которых бы отражались по возможности все значения. (15 мин.) (один чел. из бригады читает все значения, другой записывает предло-жение на доске, остальные-проверяют.)

Appendix 5. Forming experiment. Stage 5.

Этапы	Содержание	примерные ответы учащихся
Повторение: Основная часть: Проверка: Итог:	Что вы знаете о конверсии в английском языке? Какими частями речи может быть одно и то же слово? С.р.:1)Указать часть речи выделенных слов: · I heard a cry from the closed door. They cry because they can’t go for a walk. · I have a very tasty fish for dinner. We are going to fish next Sunday. · I don’t like when the weather is cold. The cold helps to safe food fresh. · I like to dance. We liked their dance. 2) Составить пару предложений, чтобы слова hate – ненависть, ненавидеть, hunt – охота, охотиться, lift – лифт, поднимать употреблялись в первом предложении как существительное, а во втором как глагол. 3) определить часть речи следующих слов: round, fly, harm, alarm. (дети проверяют работы друг друга по образцу, написанному на доске: 1. Сущ., гл., сущ., гл., прил., сущ., гл., сущ). Второе задание я проверю сама. А вот скажите мне, какой части речи слово round? А можем мы определить часть речи? Почему? Действительно вне контекста мы не можем с точностью сказать, какая это часть речи, конечно, если перед словом стоит артикль, то мы можем сказать, что это существительное. Если же дано только графическое изображение слова, мы не сможем определить часть речи.	В английском языке есть такие слова, которые, не меняя формы, могут выражать разные части речи. Существительное – глагол, прилагательное – глагол, прилагательное – существительное. Сущ., прил. Нет. Потому что это слово может быть и существительным, и прилагательным.

Appendix 6. Control experiment.

Цель: выявление уровня знаний учащихся по пройденному материалу.

Задачи:

1) образовательные:

· грамматическая: повторение времен группы Simple, Continuous;

· лексическая: проверка усвоения начальных сведений о явлении конверсии,

контроль формирования навыка употребления таких слов;

2) воспитательная: воспитывать самостоятельность;

3) развивающая: развивать психические функции, такие как память,

логическое мышление, произвольное внимание.

Детям предлагается следующий тест:

В английском языке слова могут обозначать не одну, а несколько частей речи

(присутствует понятие конверсии).

	Это такие слова, как: clean, green, cook, orange.		Слово green является прилагательным.

A pink-«гвоздика, розовый»

Этот тест сложный для тебя?

A violet переводится, как «фиалка».

Blue может переводиться как «небо».

Предложение: «В сиреневой вазе стояла ветка сирени.» переводится так: “There was a branch of lilac in the lilac vase”.

Неправильно, потому что оба выделенные слова являются существительными.

Первое выделенное слово- прилагательное, второе- существительное.

Оба выделенных слова являются прилагательными.

Appendix 7. The results of Ascertaining and Control experiment.

	Не справились с работой.	Средний уровень.	Все выполнено верно.
Количество человек из 12.	9	3	0
Количество в % от 100%.	75%	25%	0%

	Не справились с работой.	Средний уровень.	Все выполнено верно.
Количество человек из 12.	1	3	8
Количество в % от 100%.	8,3%	25%	6,7%